[The following is Najwa Adra’s review of two books by anthropologist Steven C. Caton, who conducted ethnographic fieldwork in Yemen in 1979-1981. It was first published in Yemen Update, #48 (2006):46-50.]

“Peaks of Yemen I Summon”: Poetry as Cultural Practice in a North Yemeni Tribe, by Steven C. Caton
Berkeley, University of California Press, 1990
ISBN # 0-520-06766-5
351 pp., illus., maps, hardcover

Yemen Chronicle: An Anthropology of War and Mediation, by Steven C. Caton
New York, Hill and Wang, 2005
ISBN-13: 978-0-8090
341 pp., maps, no illus., hardcover (also available in paper)

Reviewed by Najwa Adra

“Peaks of Yemen I Summon”: Poetry as Cultural Practice in a North Yemeni Tribe and Yemen Chronicle: An Anthropology of War and Mediation, published 15 years apart, should be read as two complementary parts of a whole. They document Steven Caton’s field research on tribal poetry in Khawlan at-Tiyal in 1979-81. Together, these books are important contributions to theory in anthropology, the ethnography of Yemen, and perhaps literary theory and political science as well. The first book is a technical discussion of tribal poetry as cultural practice; the second is a personal, reflexive description of the author’s experiences in the field. It provides rich contextual data that shed light on, and help support, the author’s argument in the first book.

Peaks of Yemen I Summon begins with the usual introduction to the area, the events that piqued Caton’s interest in the study of poetry, his research methods, and problems he faced during his research. He then introduces tribal ideology (qabyilah in Yemen), the poetic genres he will cover in depth, and their relevance to tribal values. We learn that the ability to compose poetry is one of the defining traits of a tribesman and that poetry is considered the most appropriate means to discuss important issues – those that touch the poet personally as well as national and international political issues. The next section is a primer on poetry in Khawlan as socially produced. It covers how poetry is learned, what it means to be a poet, who is considered a poet and who is not defined as such, the relationship of everyday discursive practice to poetry, the impacts of new technologies on poetic practice, the use of poetry by the State and social contexts of poetic production.

Part II is devoted to detailed discussion of three genres of poetry performed in Khawlan: balah, extemporaneously composed verse performed during wedding parties; zamil, a two-to-four line poem composed largely to persuade mediators and opponents in situations of conflict; and qasidah, a genre of long composed poetry that is appreciated by the urban scholarly elite as well as rural tribesmen. With each genre, a technical description of the form is followed by a discussion of its cultural significance.

Throughout the book, Caton builds his argument on solid linguistic and semiotic theory, citing George Herbert Mead, Roman Jakobson, Charles Sanders Pearce, Kenneth Burke, and Mikhail Bakhtin, along with contemporary anthropologists and linguists. Appendices include a summary of Yemeni tribal phonology, a proposed linguistic theory of meter, and Arabic transcriptions of some of the longer poems discussed.

Caton argues that balah is important not only to the self-definition of a Yemeni tribesman but that its performance actively constructs tribal identity: “The poet, in the act of constructing the balah poem, constitutes himself as a tribesman capable of containing violence in the symbolic game of honor” (1990:109). His separate treatment of balah, zamil, and qasidah may give the impression that each genre is culturally grounded in ways different from the others, but I do not think this was his intent.

In Yemen, poetry is crucial to the mediation of disputes. Its persuasive power is such that it can avert or defer violence in situations of conflict. (I find additional support for this each time I return to Yemen.) Caton demonstrates in fine detail how this process works in his discussion of zamil, which is also the form used to praise the groom and bride’s family in the wedding procession and to greet guests. It is through poetry that each side in a dispute seeks to persuade mediators and opponents of the validity of its position. Caton ties this cultural preference for persuasion over coercion to the respect for autonomy and to local assumptions that all tribesmen are equal: “Rule over those who cherish their autonomy demands the art of persuasion, not coercion…for each person must be made to believe that he is a free agent” (1990:32). This thesis is also developed in Caton’s “Power, Persuasion and Language: A Critique of the Segmentary Model in the Middle East” (1987b).

Caton presents the qasidah, which is composed by a single poet, as the form that most easily allows for individual creativity. It is also the form most likely to bridge the gap between rural tribal and urban ways of life and thought because it is associated with classical poetic traditions and is often written. Qasidah poets may use their poems to support change or argue for maintaining tradition. Caton provides examples of “modernist” and “traditionalist” poetry to support his thesis that social change may be mediated through poetry.

This book describes a poetic system that is conceived as inextricably linked to social issues and deep emotions, in stark contrast to Western models in which poetry and other arts ideally distance themselves from daily life, politics, transparent emotion or other programmatic intent. Although in the West politics has been considered incompatible with fine art, Caton writes that in Yemen, “cultural conventions of art are grounded in real-world, everyday, practical activities of the society in which that art is produced” (1990:50), “Yemeni tribesmen…think that poetry is too precious not to use for pressing public issues and that it can have a transformative effect on them as well; hence it possesses considerable power” (1990:41).

Caton’s sensitivity and appreciation of poetry is clear. The time he took to memorize Yemeni poems must have been highly appreciated by his Yemeni friends. His attempts at composing Yemeni poetry ensured a deeper understanding of the form. His prose is a pleasure to read. His insights to the uses of poetry are novel and, I think, well supported by his data. A significant contribution is Caton’s treatment of discourse, ideology, communicative practices and state formation as interdependent rather than isolated phenomena:

More obviously than in the West, poetry in tribal Yemen is both the creation of art and the production of social and political reality in the same act of composition. To compose a poem is to construct oneself as a peacemaker, as a warrior, as a Muslim. It seems to me that this fact is a critical insight into art as a constitutive social practice. [1990:21-22]

Caton needed to delve deeply into each of the three poetic genres in order to make his point. But this left little room for wider contextual information that would have helped the reader, especially one unfamiliar with tribal Yemen, to fully understand his argument. How do the genres under discussion fit together within the tribal system? Do the poets who participate in balah also compose zamil and/or qasidahs? Are balah and zamil undergoing the same kinds of change that we see in the qasidah poetry of al-Gharsi? Why or why not?

We know, as Caton tells us early in the book, that poetry is ubiquitous in Yemen. A chapter on other forms of poetry not discussed in the book would have helped contextualize his argument. For example, where do wedding songs, work songs and proverbs fit into this system? Unfortunately, Caton did not have access to women’s poetry, and he had no way of knowing that women regularly compose poetry which they sing while they perform household chores or work in the fields.

Caton writes that urban educated youth have lost many traditional discursive skills. How does this impact their construction of self? Do they see themselves only as urban Yemeni nationals and not as tribesmen? A very interesting point is that Islam provides a link between tribal traditions and modern urban life. But understandings of Islam are changing rapidly in Yemen. How do these changes impact poetry and tribal identity?

Caton convinces the reader of the importance of poetry in the construction of a tribal self, but he does not suggest other cultural practices that may also serve to construct a tribal self. We need to know how these interact with poetry in the construction of self. (See Adra 1983, 1998 for a discussion of the role played by dancing in the construction of tribal values elsewhere in the Yemeni highlands.)

The author’s claim that poetry and language contain covert meanings that are understood subliminally (pp. 158-160) is based on solid linguistic theory, as Caton explains in his Contributions of Roman Jakobson (1987a). Yet the basis of his assumption is not articulated in this book, and I fear that those not familiar with linguistic theory may not appreciate his argument.

Persuasion, rather than coercion, is necessitated by a tribal system in which all tribesmen are ideally equal, and individual autonomy must be respected. But since Caton does not provide a local definition of honor, it is not clear how honor and autonomy are understood in Khawlan. His suggestion that piety may be more “crucial to a tribal definition of personhood” than honor is well taken, but is it possible in Yemen to call people honorable if they are not also pious? Is piety not part and parcel of honor as it is conceived in tribal Yemen?

Still, the significance of this work to the field is beyond question. It is possibly the first study of its kind on poetry and performance as cultural practice (poetics), with implications for the study of other arts in culture. It is invaluable to anyone interested in pragmatics and of great potential interest to attempts to theorize intangible heritage. This work may have inspired two subsequent studies of poetry in Yemen: Flagg Miller’s work on cassette poetry in Yafi‘ (Miller 2005; 2007) and Lucine Taminian’s work on women’s Khomayni poetry in Sanaa (Taminian 2001). It complements my own work on dancing and qabyala in another Yemeni tribal community (Adra 1983, 1998) and led me to ask questions about poetry that I may not have otherwise when I returned to Yemen. Caton does not write explicitly for political scientists, but those interested in understanding tribal politics or state-tribe relations in Yemen would benefit tremendously from reading his book. Anyone interested in exploring alternative forms of conflict resolution will find this work valuable.

Anthropologists and other social scientists usually assume that poetry and other arts are marginal to politics and daily life. Yet, Caton’s work demonstrates that “the two kinds of practices – artistic and social – are indissoluble. To fashion a poem is to engage in social practice.” (1990:22). Literary critics would do well to read this work, in order to add an international perspective to their work and counter assumptions that Western conceptions of art are universally applicable.

Caton’s research has implications for the understanding of Middle Eastern political models, as well as patterns of feuding and warfare. Westerners tend to be frightened, for example, when they hear a lot of shouting and loud argument. Given their own cultural constructions, they assume that this will inevitably lead to violence. If Caton is correct, however, this discourse may be a tool to deter violence (see Adra 1983:190-191; Weir 2007:191) just as balah and zamil poetry are symbolic deterrents to violence. Caton writes that “Khawlani tribes tried to avoid exercising a kind of deadly brute force in which blood was spilled and men were killed; rather, they applied symbolic force, or a [poetic] representation of the ‘real thing’, whose aim was to achieve honor and not necessarily the liquidation of the opponent” (1990:12) thus counteracting stereotypes of violence in the region.

While Peaks of Yemen I Summon is a carefully crafted contribution to linguistic and semiotic theory, Yemen Chronicle is a more relaxed reflexive account of Caton’s field experiences in Yemen, written in homage to the late Muhammad Al-Maswari who helped Caton collect, transcribe and interpret Khawlani poetry. In 2001, Caton returned to Yemen and Khawlan. This narrative is composed from his memories of his previous field experience, field notes, and information gathered in his later visits.

The tale begins with a humorous account of Caton’s arrival at the “sanctuary,” the hijra community where he would reside. He learns on his first day that he has inadvertently been calling his derriere a work of art by pronouncing his first name “Istifan,” much to the amusement of the local children. If the first book is a technical treatment of three genres of poetry, this one is all about context and the ethnographer’s relationship to it. How was he received? What were his feelings about fieldwork as time progressed? Which questions did he ask and what did others ask of him?

Unfortunately for the ethnographer, but auspicious for our understanding of the processes of conflict resolution in the region, the sanctuary was embroiled in several serious conflicts at the time Caton conducted his fieldwork. The usual suspicions of the community – Why is he collecting names? What does he want with this information? – were thus exacerbated, leading to Caton’s arrest and interrogation by Yemeni Security. In spite of this traumatic experience, Caton’s account of the conflicts in the community, his research experiences and his arrest and eventual release make for an entertaining story, full of suspense and with a surprise ending. It is accessible to the general reader as well as the specialist.

This book is rich in ethnographic detail. Descriptions of markets, transportation (including travel in group taxis), dress, hospitality and shared meals, dark steep entryways, as well as how to apply juss to interior walls all help demystify the process of ethnographic fieldwork and provide background information needed to appreciate the argument in Peaks of Yemen I Summon. Contradictions, tensions and nuance in interactions between status groups are well covered, providing a realistic picture of a social structure which is sometimes idealized and other times contested. There is a fascinating detailed description of a celebration of the Prophet’s birthday (p. 94-101) that includes the ethnographer’s participation and the voices constantly guiding the ethnographer (“Tape this part…Don’t tape this.) that are part and parcel of ethnography but are not usually documented.

Reflexivity in ethnographic reporting is a boon to anthropology. Yet the danger inherent in a reflexive approach is that it tends to glorify aspects of the ethnographer’s personality that surface under stress. The fieldwork experience can be frustrating and lonely. When people don’t understand the reasons for certain questions, they tend to respond with suspicion. Information the researcher may consider benign may be classified locally as very personal and not anyone else’s business, or people may have reasons to withhold information about, for example, their property. At the very least, they feign ignorance or choose to not respond. All field workers deal with these issues, and it is important to document them. It is not clear, however, why Caton shares the childish nickname he gave to a police officer who gave him a hard time (p. 286), and he muses about his friend’s possible suicidal feelings with scant information and no training in psychoanalysis (e.g., p. 214-215).

Caton’s questioning of the fieldwork experience and descriptions of the process of documenting ethnography would be useful in a class on ethnographic field work or one on reflexive approaches to ethnographic documentation. It makes an ideal companion volume to Peaks of Yemen I Summon, and I think it would be interesting for a general audience interested in the Middle East, Yemen, conflict resolution and/or the validity of current Western stereotypes of Arabs.

Both of these works highlight problems of access to ethnographic data faced by a single male ethnographer. In Caton’s case, this was probably exacerbated by the fact that he lived in a sanctuary, where women are ideally secluded, rather than a tribal village where women and men work together in the fields and mix more freely on informal social occasions.

In sum, these two valuable works speak to the role of poetry in Yemeni society and, by extension, to the role of art in society. Together, they draw attention to the ethnographic process itself. Issues such as access to information and the relationship of the researcher to the community studied are explored. The first work is a theoretical contribution to linguistics and anthropology theory and offers fascinating new insights into Yemeni processes of conflict management. The second is an entertaining read, provides important contextual information to support Caton’s thesis, and would be of great interest to anyone interested in Yemen and the Middle East.

References:
Adra, Najwa
1983 Qabyala: The Tribal Concept in the Central Highlands of the Yemen Arab Republic. Doctoral dissertation in Anthropology, Temple University.
1998 Dance and Glance: Visualizing Tribal Identity in Highland Yemen. Visual Anthropology 11:55-102.
Caton, Steven C.
1985 The Poetic Construction of Self. Anthropological Quarterly 58(4):141-151.
1987a Contributions of Roman Jakobson. Annual Review of Anthropology 16:223-60.
1987b Power, Persuasion and Language: A Critique of the Segmentary Model in the Middle East. International Journal of Middle East Studies 19:77-101.
Miller, W. Flagg
2005 Of Songs and Signs: Audiocassette Poetry, Moral Character, and the Culture of Circulation in Yemen. American Ethnologist 32(1):82-99.
2007 The Moral Resonance of Arab Media: Audiocassette Poetry and Culture in Yemen. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Taminian, Lucine
2001 Playing with Words: The Ethnography of Poetic Genres in Yemen. Doctoral dissertation in Anthropology, University of Michigan.
Weir, Shelagh
2007 A Tribal Order: Politics and Law in the Mountains of Yemen. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.