Omar Dewachi on Iraq

Omar Dewachi, an anthropologist who was an Iraqi physician during the Gulf War, has published an article from his forthcoming book, which is entitled “When Wounds Travel: Ecologies of War and Healthcare East of the Mediterranean”.

Here is the start of the article. To read the whole article, click here.

A call from the surgical residence in the outpatient clinic informing us of a new admission to the ward. “It is a burn case,” he warns, “Najwa Abdul Hadi, female, in her early 30s, transferred from a local hospital with burn injuries covering nearly 90% of her body following the explosion of a cooking gas container at her home.” Mohammed and I, the two junior doctors on the floor, rushed to the other side of the ward, impatiently waiting at the service elevators to receive our new admission. Only days into our surgery rotation on the second floor of Baghdad Teaching Hospital—Iraq’s largest referral hospital and medical complex—we had finished medical school a month earlier, in May 1997. This was our first job as “real” doctors. Unlike Mohammed who had studied medicine at another med school, I had spent the past 6 years of my training in this teaching medical complex, and was familiar with the ins and outs of the hospital. Still, this was a new terrain for me. No longer a student, this night was my first time “on call”, and I was getting a bit anxious.

For many of us who lived through the first Gulf war, the sight of a burnt body became a doppelgänger of that war. One such doppelgänger was the charred body of one Iraqi soldier in the carnage of tanks which littered what became known as the “Highway of Death”—where the retreating convoys of thousands of Iraqi soldiers from Kuwait were attacked by the US military with Depleted Uranium (DU) weaponry. DU was developed in the US during the Cold War era and experimented with for the first time in real combat during the 1991 Iraq War. It was designed to burn through thick metal surfaces, namely tanks and fortified armored vehicles. The artillery tips burn through the thick alloy, incinerating them inside and out upon impact.

Another image of that war, which I witnessed for myself, was the silhouette of two skeletal remains fossilized into the concrete walls inside the famous Amiriya Shelter, where 408 people were killed with so-called bunker busting, “smart bombs.” US pilots nicknamed them “the hammer” for their massively destructive capabilities and wide-ranging blast radii. I visited the Amiriya shelter in 1991 after the cessation of the bombing campaign. I remember thinking that it was a blessing that those in the bunker did not suffer for long. It was more merciful and dignified to die on the spot than to endure the effects of surviving such brutalization. 

Seasonal Knowledge and Arab Gulf Almanacs

I am pleased to announce the publication of my new book: Seasonal Knowledge and the Almanac Tradition of the Arab Gulf. Details about the book, including a free online pdf of the table of contents can be obtained here: https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-95771-1

Below is the start of the Introduction…


Before the middle of the twentieth century, everyday life in the Arab Gulf was oriented to the sea and the land. Along the coast and for the island of Bahrain there had been a thriving pearl diving industry until the 1920s, while fishing remained one of the most important food production activities. Trade around and beyond the peninsula was still largely carried out by traditional dhows. Apart from Oman, which has a long tradition of irrigated and rainfed agriculture, most of the Gulf states faced a harsh, arid environment with limited water and only a few fertile oases. Herding of camels, sheep and goat was one of the main ways of surviving in the arid areas. It should not be surprising that prior to the oil wealth that created a lush economic transformation, the main topic of concern was the weather. Successful navigation, pearl diving and fishing required an intimate knowledge of seasonal change, as did pastoralism and farming.

Information on the seasonal sequence for the Arabian Peninsula stems back over a thousand years in collections of poetry, star lore and almanacs. One of the most important Arabic texts is the Kit?b al-Anw?’ (Book of Weather Stars) of Ibn Qutayba (d. 276/879), who is quoted by almanac compilers in the Gulf to this day. Ibn Qutayba describes in detail local knowledge about star risings and settings, weather seasons, pastoral activities, agriculture and a range of environmental conditions. Unfortunately, much of this indigenous heritage has disappeared, as the folklore of generations is now rarely passed on orally within families. In recent years older individuals in the Gulf have written memoirs, preserving their knowledge of life before the Petro Utopia. This gives us a glimpse of the past, a puzzle with many missing pieces, but not the full understanding that comes with actual contact.

Resurrecting the history of seasonal knowledge in the Arab Gulf and the entire Arabian Peninsula thus requires a textual archaeology. It is not enough to simply document what is written, as though one is showing off museum objects; this knowledge needs to be placed into a lived context to have a better understanding of how people went about their lives off the land and on the sea.

The past is like an ocean in which we can sample only a small part of the vast number of ideas and customs that have passed by over the years. To follow this metaphor, most of our sampling is along the shore, learning from individuals we can ask directly or engage with in ethnographic fieldwork. We can only cast our research net a short distance in trying to reach back into what really happened and was said in the past. A historian can sail as well, dropping an anchor where there seems to be something worth exploring. But there are depths in this ocean of knowledge that can never be reached. There are also reefs, barriers that make it difficult to have smooth sailing through our disciplined search for the past. To what extent can we know what local knowledge was shared? Then there is the question of what kind of fish we are trying to catch. Is everything that has been done and said, no matter how many generations back, something we should call “heritage”? If we read about it in a book, even one written centuries ago, does that automatically make it “heritage”? How can we vouch for the accuracy of what has been written down when we cannot see it for ourselves or question the interpreter? These are not insurmountable hurdles, but they do caution us to recognize the limitations of reconstructing the past.

My career as a scholar began in the highland mountains of Yemen, where I carried out ethnographic research on traditional water resource use and local agriculture in the late 1970s. Talking with farmers and observing their work for over a year allowed me to gain an understanding of local practices that no book could give me. While in the field I had access to a fourteenth century Yemeni agricultural text, which described many of the agricultural activities I was seeing for myself. My first book was an edition and translation of a thirteenth century Yemeni agricultural almanac. Over the years I have become what is best called a historical anthropologist, someone who looks at heritage as a product evolving from a past and not simply what one sees, without hindsight, functioning in the present. As an anthropologist I focus on the diversity of what people do and say, giving voice to them rather than plugging them into an outside theoretical package from the start. As a historian I have an opportunity in examining texts to see the strands of past knowledge that survive and still influence the present.

Qatar Airways airplane with FIFA World Cup 2022 branding.

Qatar and the World Cup – Questions and Answers

A while ago, a Swedish reporter asked me to answer a few questions about Qatar and the World Cup. The segment eventually got cut, but since I had already written the answers, I will instead post them here.

How would you describe Qatar as a country, politically/economically?

Qatar is a small country, slightly smaller than Connecticut, and the number of citizens is less than half of the population of New Haven metropolitan area. However, almost 90% of everyone living in Qatar are so called guest workers, or migrant workers, meaning their residency is tied up to their work. Before the discovery of oil in the area, Qatar was a relatively poor country and its economy centered on pearl diving. Today, Qatar is an oil and gas country and one of the richest countries in the world per capita. However, it is a very segregated country, and the riches are largely built on exploitation of cheap foreign labor, mainly from South Asia (such as Pakistan, India and Bangladesh). The country is a type of monarchy, headed by an Emir, and with limited possibilities of political influence of its citizens. They do have a consultative assembly, the members of which are elected, but there are no political parties, and the assembly is mainly advisory to the government.

In recent years, Qatar has been keen on building “soft power,” meaning cultural and social means of gaining support for its activities and politics and means of improving the country’s image abroad. This includes a purchase of the large department store Harrods in London and the Hollywood production company Miramax. Qatar Airways has invested internationally and expanded to make Doha a popular airport-hub, as well as creating hubs around the world, especially in countries with members of the FIFA executive committee. Of course, Qatar is also internationally known as the owner of the news and media conglomerate Al Jazeera, which now operates around the world, and dominates Arabic-language news.

Car spray painted with the text "Qatar 2022" and people waving the Qatari flag.
Image by: Kefah51

There is a lot of discussion about the upcoming World Cup in Qatar. Why?

The controversy on Qatar hosting the FIFA World Cup centers mainly on two issues. The first is accusations of corruption and irregularities surrounding the election process, although the critique has mostly been directed towards FIFA rather than Qatar. The irregularities include for example a meeting between then-emir of Qatar, Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, then-president of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, and then-president of the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA), Michel Platini, where it is believed an agreement was made that Qatar would buy the French football team Paris Saint-Germain (PSG), in exchange for Platini’s support for the World Cup in Qatar. PSG officially came under Qatari ownership the year after Qatar had been chosen as the host, although the discussions had then been going on for a while. Furthermore, Platini’s son was given a high-paying position in Qatar shortly after Platini had voted for Qatar in the host-election.

No investigations have been able to prove that Qatari representatives directly bribed FIFA, although the accusations of corruption and other scandals led to Platini and the FIFA president, Sepp Blatter, being banned from football administration until 2023 and forced to resign from FIFA. They are now facing charges in Switzerland related to fraudulent payments from FIFA to Platini, and FIFA has since changed how they decide the World Cup host.

The second part of the critique is about workers’ rights, health and safety in the preparation for the World Cup. It is estimated that around 6500 migrant workers have died during the constructions of the many football stadiums built in Qatar since they won the host election, although many believe that the real number is even higher. In the recent past Qatar had a system for migrant workers called the kafala-system, which meant that the employer sponsors the workers and is responsible for their visas. This meant that if you lose your job, you also lose your visa, and it can be very difficult to change jobs or criticize working conditions due to fear of losing your job. There have been reports of employers confiscating their workers’ passports, and, as mentioned, extreme heat and dangerous working conditions has led to thousands of workers’ death. Some have asked – and FIFA happily repeats these questions – whether these working conditions had been given as much media attention if it was not for the World Cup. In 2020, Qatar became the first country in the Arab Gulf to stop the kafala system.

Other discussions – which in the light of possible corruption and the death of migrant workers may be seen as less important – deal with the fact that this will be the first time that the World Cup is not held in the summer. Since the temperature in Qatar can reach 40-50 degrees in June and July, the cup will be held in December, with the finale planned for Qatar’s national day, December 18th. Some believe this will mean a different experience for football fans who are used to their summer vacation and the World Cup coinciding, while others believe that this scheduling will mean a break for the players between the national football seasons and the World Cup, which in turn means more well-rested players.

One last thing that is in favor of Qatar hosting is that it is a small country, meaning that the stadiums are relatively close to each other, making it easier for attendees to catch several games in a day.

What does it mean to accept Qatar as the host?

This depends on who you ask. Some believe that it is symbolically important that this is the first time that a Muslim country hosts the World Cup, and that in times of increasing islamophobia, this can lead to an improved view and better understanding of Islam as a religion – particularly among football fans around the world. Sepp Blatter has said that they are opening up football, making it more inclusive. At the same time, the publicity coming out of Qatar at the moment is not precisely good, for example regarding the death of thousands of workers, and it is still necessary for the Qatar authorities to follow through on the new system for workers.

Social issues have also been raised, for example how FIFA views the fact that same-sex relations is criminalized in the country, or that alcohol consumption – often associated with football – is not allowed in public. FIFA will most likely put pressure on Qatar to make exemptions for alcohol sales at the stadiums, as they also did when the World Cup was held in Brazil, but I doubt that the same kind of pressure will be made for changes in the laws on same-sex relations or LGBTQ+ issues. Nevertheless, the Qatari government is pragmatic, and they are unlikely to cause troubles for attendees, yet some official World Cup hotels have already said that they do not accept LGBT guests to stay with them.

What demands should be put on Qatar ahead of the World Cup?

It is difficult in such a late state to place any demands. That should probably have been done directly in relation to Qatar being chosen as the host in 2010. Such demands could have been to guarantee the protection and safety of the workers that made the World Cup possibly by building stadiums around the country. Now they have already lost their lives, and that cannot be undone. Pressure on Qatar did lead to reform of the kafala-system, although some issues remain and more can be done to improve the conditions of the country’s workers. Beyond that, FIFA should take a clearer position on guaranteeing that both players and attendees will be safe in the country, regardless of religion or sexual orientation.

Yemen Film 1973

This exquisite film was produced in 1973 and filmed in 1972, thus representing Yemen half a century ago. It is now available on Youtube. The filmmakers were Karen and Alain Saint Hilaire. The camera was a bolex ebm electric. It has filmed when Qadi al-Iryani was the head of government. There are scenes from the Tihama, Sanaa, Sa‘da, Ma’rib, etc, including many crafts, fishing, agriculture, a funeral, celebration of the end of the civil war and much more. It is well worth spending two hours to watch this archival film of a Yemen now largely past but not forgotten.

Qadi al-Iryani in 1972
Celebration in Sanaa on the anniversary of the end of the civil war

Where are the Himyarite Kings?

The war that has dragged on in Yemen for seven years has created a major humanitarian disaster. Yemen has experienced war and conflict before since the early days of the Queen of Sheba. The last of the South Arabian kingdoms before the coming of Islam was captured in a qasida by the 12th century Yemeni scholar Nashwan b. Sa‘id al-Himyari. In reading this poem recently I was struck at how relevant the last lines of his poem are for the current political crisis and I share these with you. The full poem can be read online at https://ar.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%B5%D9%8A%D8%AF%D8%A9_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AD%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9. An English translation was made by W. F. Prideaux in 1879 and can be found here: https://archive.org/details/dli.granth.93715/page/n3/mode/2up.

The State of Agriculture in Late 13th Century Rasulid Yemen: Part 1

By Daniel Martin Varisco

[In 2003 I attended a conference in Rome and gave a paper which was eventually published in Convegno Storia e Cultura dello Yemen in età  Islamica, con particolare riferimento al periodo Rasûlide (Roma 30-31 ottobre 2003 (Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Fondazione Leone Caetani, 27, pp. 161-174, 2006). As this publication is virtually inaccessible, I am reprinting the paper here (with page numbers to the original indicted in brackets).] The original post on Tabsir was here.

INTRODUCTION AND SOURCES

[p. 161] About seven and a half centuries ago the second Rasulid sultan, al-Malik al-Mu?affar Y?suf ibn ‘Umar, was thrust into power in his youth after his father’s murder, just about the time the Genoan Marco Polo was born. The overlap between the Italian merchant mercenary and mercenary descendant sultan is fraught with irony. Al-Mu?affar, the untested state builder came to power just a decade before the overthrow of the Abbasid caliphate, which had blessed Rasulid rule as a buffer against the Zaydi imams of Yemen’s northern highlands, while the future Italian diplomat set out on his trek only a decade or so after the Mongols had destroyed Baghdad. Polo was destined to serve an aging Kublai Khan, returning to Italy in 1295, the very year that the seventy-year-old-plus Rasulid ruler died. When Polo referred to the immense wealth of the sultan of Aden, “arising from the imposts he lays” in the Indian Ocean trade, he meant al-Mu?affar. Marco Polo and al-Malik al-Mu?affar never met, except in print, but the world that they both embraced was centered on an important trade network linking the Mediterranean and Africa with Persia, India and ultimately the lands of the great Khan.

Fortunately for the Rasulids, the merciless Mongol warriors never reached Yemen, apart from a few individuals who later assisted a Yemeni sultan in compiling a King’s Dictionary also known as the “Rasulid Hexaglot.” (1) [p. 162] Yemen also escaped the incursions of crusading medieval knights, although the legacy of Saladin played a major role in defining its political fortunes until the arrival of the Ottoman garrisons and Portuguese galleons in the sixteenth century. My focus is on the zenith of the Rasulid era near the end of the long reign of al-Mu?affar, the preeminent state-builder of the dynasty. By 1252 he consolidated his hold over the coastal zone (Tih?ma), southern highlands and Aden, as well as achieving periodic control over ?an?’, thus driving the Zaydi imams back to their firm base in ?a‘da. The sultan’s forces in the late 1270s took control, by land and by sea, of the important southern harbors at al-Shi?r and Dhofar, two important sailing venues along the trade route to the Persian Gulf and India. In 682/1283, despite the Zaydi loyalties of many of the tribes, al-Mu?affar was able to briefly take hold of ?a‘da, even striking coins there. Military success led to increased diplomatic recognition for the Rasulids; later delegations are described in the chronicles as arriving from Persia, Oman, India and China. Fortunately, al-Mu?affar was an avid patron of architecture and learning, so that the material and written records of Rasulid activities are quite extensive. (2)

My paper is on the state of Yemeni agriculture near the end of al-Mu?affar’s reign, when his son al-Malik al-Ashraf ‘Umar wrote a major agricultural treatise entitled Mil? al-mal??a and included a detailed agricultural almanac in his astronomical compendium, al-Tab?ira f? ‘ilm al-nuj?m. (3) Perhaps the most valuable resource for the history of Yemen’s internal production and external trade at the close of the 7th/13th century is a compilation made for the court archives of al-Mu?affar. This is probably best styled, in English, a register, a daftar which documents customs, taxes, duties, state finances and production data for the areas under Rasulid control, most notably the commerce through the port of Aden. In this sense, it is a Rasulid “Doomsday Book,” a record of mundane matters that provides a far better insight on the economics and administration of Yemen at the time than any of the surviving historical chronicles. Internal dates indicate most of the information is based on field reports from 1292-96. Yemeni historian Mu?ammad ‘Abd al-Ra??m J?zim has recently edited and annotated this [p. 163] important text for the Centre français d’Archaeologie et de Sciences Sociales de Sanaa.(4)

FOOTNOTES:
(1) This is a unique Rasulid hexaglot, compiled in the 1370s and published in P. GOLDEN 2000. The Mongol dialect entries are mostly from the Il-khânid era.
(2) A fuller account of the achievements of al-Mu?affar is provided in VARISCO 1993a, pp. 14-23.
(3) For a detailed analysis of al-Ashraf’s agricultural almanac, see VARISCO 1994. See also VARISCO 2002, pp. 323-351.
(4) J?ZIM 2003.

to be continued …

The references for the whole paper are indicated below:

REFERENCES

Al-Akwa‘, Mu?ammad
1971 al-Yaman al-kha?r?’ mahd al-?a??ra. Cairo: Ma?ba‘at al-Sa‘?da.

Gingrich, Andre and J. Heiss. 1986. Beiträge zur Ethnographie der Provinz Sa‘dah. (Nordjemen). Sitz. Akad. d. Wiss. Phil-hist. Kl, vol. 462, Vienna.

Golden, Peter
2000 The King’s Dictionary: The Ras?lid Hexaglot: Fourteenth Century Vocabularies in Arabic, Persian, Turkic, Greek, Armenian and Mongol. Leiden: Brill.

Ibn Ba????a
1980. Ri?lat Ibn Ba????a. Beirut: D?r Bayr?t li-al-?ib?‘a wa-al-Nashr.

Ibn al-Muj?wir, Jam?l al-D?n Y?suf (died 690/1291)
1954 ?ifat bil?d al-Yaman wa-Makka wa-ba‘? al-Hij?z al-musamm?t ta’r?kh al-mustab?ir. 2 vols. Edited by Oscar Löfgren. Leiden: Brill.

Ibn S?da, ?asan
1965 al-Mukha??a?. 17 volumes. Beirut.

Ibn Wa?shiyya
1993-95 Kit?b al-Fil??a al-Naba?iyya. Edited by T. Fahd. Damascus: Institut Français de Damas.

al-Khazraj?, Ab? al-?asan ‘Al? (died 812/1410)
1906-18 The Pearl Strings: A History of the Resuliyy Dynasty of Yemen. Edited by J. Redhouse. 5 volumes. London: Luzac and Company.

Varisco, Daniel Martin
1993a The Agricultural Marker Stars in Yemeni Folklore. Asian Folklore Studies 52:120-142.
1993b Texts and Pretexts: The Unity of the Rasulid State under al-Malik al-Mu?affar. Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerranée 67 (1993):14-23.
1994 Medieval Agriculture and Islamic Science: The Almanac of a Yemeni Sultan. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
2002 Agriculture in Rasulid Zab?d. In J. F. Healey and V. Porter, editors, Studies on Arabia in Honour of Professor G. Rex Smith, 323-351. Oxford: Oxford University Press.